国立民族学博物館研究報告 2011 36巻1号

目 次
Crosscutting Narratives: Legacies of Religious Repression and Resistance in Soviet Kamchatka
David Koester
Releasing the Soul: Zooarchaeological Evidence for a Whale Cult among the Prehistoric Thule Inuit in Canada
James M. Savelle and Alison Vadnais
Vol. 36 No.1 2011

Kawaguchi, Yukiya
From Curious Dolls to Primitive Art: The Self-image of Postwar Japan Reflected in Works from Non-Western
Takahashi, Erika
Philosophy of "Living at Home": Reconsidering the spatial range of civil society and ageing by describing the community-based welfare practice in South-western Finland
Koester, David
Crosscutting Narratives: Legacies of Religious Repression and Resistance in Soviet Kamchatka
Savelle, James M. Vadnais, Alison
Releasing the Soul: Zooarchaeological Evidence for a Whale Cult among the Prehistoric Thule Inuit in Canada
Research Notes
Ohtsuka, Kazuyoshi
Past, Present and Future Museum Activities and Ainu Studies at the National Museum of Ethnology


川口 幸也*
From Curious Dolls to Primitive Art: The Self-image of Postwar Japan
Reflected in Works from Non-Western Areas
Yukiya Kawaguchi
  本稿では,プリミティヴ・アートと総称された非西洋圏の造形が,戦後の日本でどのように紹介されたのかを,昭和30 年代に行われた展覧会を通してなぞり,そこに映っていた日本人の自己像を明らかにしようとする。1955 年(昭和30),東京で「アジアアフリカ珍奇人形展」という展覧会が,バンドンで行われたアジアアフリカ会議に合わせて開かれた。その後1960 年(昭和35)には,国立近代美術館で「現代の眼―原始美術から」展が開催される。わずか5年間に,アジア,アフリカの仮面や神像たちは珍奇人形から原始美術へと昇格した。この原始美術展は新聞,雑誌の大きな注目を集め,アジア,アフリカ,オセアニアなど原始美術によって語られる「彼ら」と,近代化に成功した「われわれ」との対比が強調された。さらに4 年後の1964 年(昭和39),東京オリンピックの年,まず「ミロのビーナス」展が官民一体の協力によって実現した。また東京オリンピックの芸術展示として「日本古美術展」などが東京で行われた。この展示には124 点もの縄文時代の造形が出品されていたにもかかわらず,「原始美術」という枠はここでは消えていた。おそらく,戦後復興を遂げ,先進国の一員となったことを世界にアピールするうえで,日本の原始美術は不都合だったのである。珍奇人形から原始美術への格上げも,原始美術とされた縄文の土器,土偶の古美術への編入も,また「ミロのビーナス」展が行われたのも,東京オリンピックを機会に,西洋先進国と肩を並べたということを国の内外に向かって誇示しようとする明確な意思の表れだったといえる。ただし一方で,土方久功のように,冷静に西洋に距離を置こうとしていた人間がいたことも忘れるべきではない。
 Works from non-Western areas are often called primitive art, and were introduced to the postwar Japan through several exhibitions. This paper reviews some of the exhibitions held in Japan in the 30s of Showa era (1955–1964) to see how they represented so-called primitive art and consequently how they reflected the self-image of Japanese people of those days.
 In 1955 (Showa 30), an exhibition entitled ‘Curious Dolls from Asia and Africa’ was held in Tokyo on the occasion of Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. Five years later, in 1960 (Showa 35), another exhibition of primitive art ‘Today’s Focus: Primitive Art Seen through Eyes of the Present’ was organized by the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo. We can see that masks and ancestor figures were raised from ‘curious dolls’ to primitive art in only five years. This exhibition in 1960 attracted a lot of attention in newspapers and magazines. Their articles emphasized a sharp contrast between ‘They’, or the non-Western areas including Asia, Africa, Oceania, represented by primitive art and ‘We’ meaning Japan and European countries that had succeeded in modernization. In 1964 (Showa 39), four years later, the year of Tokyo Olympic Games, an exhibition of the ‘Venus of Milos’ from Musée du Louvre was organized in Tokyo as a joint project of Japanese government and a newspaper company. In the same year, another exhibition ‘Japanese Old Art Treasures’ was held as one of the official art exhibitions accompanying the Olympic Games. As many as 124 works of pottery, clay figures and others from Jomon period were displayed in this exhibition. They had been treated as primitive art in Japan previously, but here no framing as ‘primitive art’ could be seen. Probably introducing any of Japanese art as ‘primitive art’ would have contradicted the intention of showing foreign visitors that Japan was fully rehabilitated from the ruins of war to become a member of the advanced countries. Raising ‘curious dolls’ to primitive art, raising the clay works of ancient Japan from primitive art to old art treasures, and organizing the exhibition of “Venus of Milos”, all of these efforts can be said to be expressions of an intention to tell the Japanese people and foreign visitors of those days that Japan was now modernized and a member of the Western club. Still we should not forget that some Japanese, including Hisakatsu Hijikata, were trying to keep a certain distance from Europe.
Key Words: curious dolls, primitive art, ‘We’ and ‘They’, the 30s of Showa era, the Tokyo Olympic Games, Hisakatsu Hijikata
キーワード :珍奇人形,原始美術,「われわれ」と「彼ら」,昭和30 年代,東京オリンピック,土方久功

1 はじめに
2 珍奇人形の時代
3 芸術への昇格―原始美術の時代
4 原始美術と日本の位置取り
5 土方久功のまなざし
6 おわりに


髙橋 絵里香*
Philosophy of "Living at Home":
Reconsidering the spatial range of civil society and ageing by describing the community-based welfare practice in South-western Finland
Erika Takahashi
 In arguments on civil society, community as a field to generate mutual help and as a place where associations act is regarded as its foundation. Local governance is one of these communitarian type foundations suggested for civil society. Promoting decentralization and a municipality-based welfare system is the stereotypical movement generated from this idea. This paper examines how the geographical range of governance may regulate the local system, and what kind of norm and spontaneity the participation of citizens is based on. In particular, the local welfare services for elderly people in a Finnish municipality are taken as a test case.
 From this example, the cooperation between citizens and public administration in social care service provision is observed. Civil society functions in accordance with the principle of the welfare state and the principle of the market economy. This tendency is obvious especially among the welfare services for the elderly because of the reciprocal nature of the welfare system. This characteristics can hardly be criticized. Nevertheless, it is the origin of the structural restriction on local welfare systems based on small scale communities.
Key Words:Finland, ageing, welfare for elderly, reciprocity, civil society

1 はじめに
1.1 地域福祉の市民社会論的理解
1.2 福祉国家の現状
1.3 フィンランドにおける社会福祉の地域化
2 調査地概要
2.1 群島町の位置づけ
2.2 フィンランドの個と社会
2.3 群島町の高齢者福祉
3 在宅を支えるロジック
3.1 老年期のライフコース
3.2 老人の家
4 市民の福祉
4.1 オープニング・セレモニー
4.2 ふるまいのフォーマットの流通
4.3 スタッフの経歴
4.4 ボランティアの経歴
4.5 利用者たちの互酬的活動
5 考察
5.1 社会福祉の互酬性
5.2 群島町の老後と互酬のカーブ
5.3 地域福祉と市民社会


Crosscutting Narratives: Legacies of Religious Repression
and Resistance in Soviet Kamchatka
David Koester*
  In the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet government set out systematically to undermine the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church by converting or destroying churches across the country, including Kamchatka. This paper, written on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Claude Lévi-Strauss, examines Kamchatkan narratives of church destruction from a quasi-structuralist perspective. The built environment provides a basis for narrative different from the natural environment of species and elemental categories on which Lévi-Strauss’s analyses typically focused. By considering the social and historical dimensions of the stories and putting them in the wider context of Soviet folklore, the analysis reveals how the power of the church was maintained in the telling of the narratives, while the state attempted to change the meaning of the physical structures. The paper is based both on historical research and the collection of oral narratives during fieldwork under the BOREAS/EUROCORES project NEWREL (New Religious Movements in the Russian North, 2006–2009).
  1920年代および1930年代にソ連は,カムチャツカを含む国土全域で改修や教会を破壊することによって,ロシア正教会の影響力を弱体化させることを組織的に開始した。クロード・レヴィ=ストロース生誕100年記念の機会に執筆した本論文は,カムチャツカの人々による教会破壊の語りを,疑似構造主義者の視点から吟味する。レヴィ=ストロースの分析がとくに焦点をあてた種および要素カテゴリーの自然環境とはことなる建造環境が語りのための基盤を提供する。複数の話の社会的および歴史的次元を考察し,それらの話をソ連のフォークロアーのより広い脈絡の中に位置づけることによって,本分析は,国家が物理的構造の意味を改変させようと試みた一方で,教会の権力は話を語る中でいかに維持されてきたかを明らかにする。なお,本論文は,BOREAS/ EUROCORESプロジェクトNEWREL(ロシア北方における新しい宗教運動,2006 ~ 2009)のもとでフィールドワーク中に行った歴史調査と口承による語りの収集の両方に基づいている。
*University of Alaska Fairbanks
Key Words:Kamchatka, Soviet anti-religion, semiotics of architecture, Lévi-Strauss, Russian folklore

1 Semiotics and the Built Environment
2 The Russian Orthodox Church in Itelmen History
3 Twentieth Century Narratives
4 Stories from Sedanka and Tigil
5 Conclusion


Releasing the Soul: Zooarchaeological Evidence for a Whale
Cult among the Prehistoric Thule Inuit in Canada
James M. Savelle* and Alison Vadnais*
   The Alaskan Whale Cult has been well documented amongst historic and prehistoric Inuit whaling societies in Alaska. However, a similar whale cult amongst prehistoric whaling societies in the Canadian Arctic has not been recognized, and several researchers have suggested it would difficult, if not impossible, to recognize. This paper considers zooarchaeological evidence for a whale cult amongst prehistoric Thule Inuit bowhead whaling societies in the Canadian Arctic. Two patterns of whale bone use are recognized. The first is one in which crania are rare in dwellings at winter villages, but instead, when they do occur, were used in the construction of fall whaling camp dwellings. This pattern suggests that the whale’s soul was appeased by either through releasing it through the return of the cranium to the sea, or by involving it, through dwelling construction, in ritual fall whaling ceremonies held at whaling camps. The second pattern is one in which there appear to have been far fewer restrictions on crania use, with crania commonly used in winter village dwelling construction or left at flensing beaches. These two patterns have analogies amongst historic Inuit whaling societies in two different regions in Alaska, which suggests that the founding populations of Thule societies investigated in this study were derived from two (or more) different regions in Alaska.
*McGill University
Key Words:Thule Inuit, Whale Cult, Eastern Arctic

1 The Alaskan Whale Cult
1.1 The ceremonial/ritual use of whale bone as part of the Alaskan Whale Cult
2 Application to Canadian Arctic Thule Sites: Materials and Methods
2.1 Zooarchaeological database
2.2 Methods
2.2.1 Quantification: excavated vs. unexcavated dwellings
2.2.2 Determining whale carcass availability
2.2.3 Sample size
3 Results
3.1 Sites, site clusters, and sample size
3.2 Archaeological bones in isolated contexts
3.3 Regional level results
3.4 Village site/site cluster variation
4 Interpreting the Variable Use of Crania
5 Other Zooarchaeological Evidence for a Thule Whale Cult
6 Implications for the Initial Thule Migration into the Canadian Arctic


大塚 和義*
Past, Present and Future Museum Activities and Ainu Studies at the National Museum of Ethnology
Kazuyoshi Ohtsuka
 本稿は,2007 年4 月に開設された北海道大学アイヌ・先住民研究センターが、その叢書の第1 号として刊行した『アイヌ研究の現在と未来』所収の榎森進氏と佐々木利和氏による2 編の論考に対する筆者の批判的見解を記したものである。
 両氏の批判はともに,博物館としての民博と,筆者を含む民博の研究者たちが,アイヌや北方民族の人たちとどのような信頼関係を築きながら博物館活動を進めてきたかという事実関係を無視,あるいは理解しないまま展開されている。そのため,1976 年の開館当初から約30 年に亘りアイヌおよび北方民族文化研究に従事してきた筆者は,明白な事実誤認と無理解にもとづく両氏の記述について,誤りを正す義務があると感じている。
 This paper is an argument refuting two articles, one written by Mr. Susumu Emori, the other by Mr. Toshikazu Sasaki. Both articles appear in The Present and Future of Ainu Studies, the first volume of a series published by Hokkaido University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies.
 In these two articles, Mr. Emori and Mr. Sasaki criticize National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan (Minpaku), and the attitude of its scholars to their research and studies. Mr. Sasaki refers to the museum as “the controlling power of ethnology and anthropology in Japan”. Their criticism ignores how Minpaku and its scholars, including myself, have established a relationship with the Ainu and the Northern indigenous people that is based on trust; it also misinterprets how the museum has been promoting their activities. I have been engaged in the study of the Ainu and Northern ethnic cultures for thirty years, ever since the opening of the museum. Thus I feel it is my duty to correct their erroneous assertions, based on what appear to be misconceptions and misunderstandings of the facts.
 In this paper, I refute their criticism of Minpaku as an organization for exhibiting artifacts and for studying and researching. At the same time, I note my expectations for the newly established Hokkaido University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies.
 My argument proceeds as follows: (1) The criticism of Minpaku by Mr. Emori and Mr. Sasaki, (2) The origin of Minpaku and its Ainu display, (3) Minpaku’s policy for collecting materials, (4) Collecting Ainu cultural materials, (5) The building and purchasing of the Santan (the Ulch) trading boat, (6) Ainu Studies and the roles of scholars at Minpaku (7) Expectations for Hokkaido University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies, (8) Ethical guidelines for the Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology (formerly the Japanese Society of Ethnology).


Key Words:Ainu Studies, Museum Activities, the Role of Museums, National Museum of Ethnology

1 榎森進・佐々木利和両氏の民博に関わる批判
2 民博の成り立ちとアイヌ展示について
3 民博の資料収集方針について
4 アイヌ文化関係資料の収集について
5 サンタン船(ウリチの交易船)購入をめぐって
6 民博におけるアイヌについての研究活動と研究者の役割
7 北海道大学アイヌ・先住民研究センターに期待すること
8 日本文化人類学会(旧日本民族学会)の研究倫理