- 開催日時：2019年7月27日（土）10:20 - 18:00
- 開催場所：国立民族学博物館 第4セミナー室（本館2階）
- 対 象：研究者
- 10:20 - 10:40
- 10:40 - 12:10
- 12:10 - 13:00
- 13:00 - 14:30
- 14:40 - 15:50
- 16:00 - 17:30
- 17:30 - 18:00
Mahatma Gandhi and Esotericism
Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948), widely known as the ‘great prophet of satyagraha and apoistke of non-violence’ and as the architect of the Indian independence movement, was much more than a non-violent activist and political leader. Michael Bergunder points to "strong textual evidence to suggest that M. K. Gandhi's notion of Hinduism, his specific view of Christianity, and his general belief that all religions refer to the same truth were shaped by esotericism, namely the Theosophical Society and the Esoteric Christian Union."
Gandhi met Madame Blavatsky and Annie Besant in November 1889 in the London Lodge of the Theosophical Society. He became an associate member of the society in 1891. He later stated that “Theosophy is the teaching of Madame Blavatsky. It is Hinduism at its best. Theosophy is the Brotherhood of Man.”
Gandhi was also deeply influenced by the thought of Anna Kingsford and Edward Maitland. He was launching himself as an agent of the Esoteric Christian Union, organized by Maitland, in South Africa in 1894. It is particularly interesting that Gandhi stated, "to me there is little difference between Theosophy and Esoteric Christianity." Pyarelal Nayar, Gandhi's secretary, described that Esoteric Christianity had a "specific and lasting influence" on Gandhi's thought.
Gandhi amalgamated Esotericism and Christianity with Hindu and Jain thought. He used Hindu terms to encourage mass mobilization and to organize mass movement.
Globalization and Local Politics: Anthropological Study of Muslim Musician Community in Rajasthan
This presentation describes part of a socio-cultural anthropological study exploring the transmission of culture or the enculturation and social resilience in a period of rapid culture change. The study specifically examines how global experience affects local tradition and social identity through a case of Muslim hereditary musicians known as Mirasi in Jaipur, the capital of Rajasthan.
Several musical groups give performances in Europe under the name of “Gypsies of Rajasthan” today. The leaders and most core members come from the Mirasi community circulating continually between India and Europe. Although descendants of court musicians, they have been compelled to find a new patrons and clients in post-colonial India. One went to France assisted by a personal network and succeeded as a director-musician of the group named “Musafir Gypsies of Rajasthan” after economic liberalization in India in 1991. One new characteristics of the group is that it includes members of various castes such as Manganiyar, Langa, Karberiya, and Mirasi. Not a few Mirasi younger people became members of Musafir. Later, each became independent as a group leader.
As described in this presentation, the speaker examined how their global experience, especially in France, affects not only on their own local music tradition but also social relationships and communal politics in Jaipur, with special reference to 1) caste identity, 2) ritual practice, 3) marriage relationships, and 4) hierarchy consciousness and social norms underlying them. How do they employ the local social norms and deal with new global realities in the post-colonial world? That is a realm of the imagination in the lifeworld and an issue for future discussion.
“Fading” visual images of the Bangladesh Liberation Movement
This article sheds light on how visual images have been contextualized in people’s living sphere by analyzing the “the Liberation War wall paintings.” Visual images bound up with the Liberation Movement and the War in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) from the late 1940s to the present have circulated through different media and have transcended temporal boundaries. Wall paintings created each year for Victory Day, the anniversary of independence, by youths in a certain area of old Dhaka have an unbroken history of more than 40 years since independence. They have interpreted the images of political posters and banners painted by artists for the Liberation Movement in the 1950–60s and documentary photographs of the War in 1971. Visual images have been the subjects of public monuments, illustrated textbooks, and street paintings by artists since independence. Because the vernacular images on walls fade away over time, the painters must remember scenes of the Liberation War each year and paint them repeatedly. The 48th layers of paintings on the walls of narrow streets will appear this year: 2019. By elucidating these processes, artists, and images, this article presents the assertion that the wall paintings here are not merely viewed as “painted objects,” but are valued for the dynamic physical movement: “paint-ing.”
Global India and Reuse of Clothes
Since India opened its markets in the 1990s, mass consumption has brought about mass waste. The increased waste, which differs from the traditional Indian categories of waste, has created new businesses for waste processing. This study specifically examined flows of used clothes as one new waste flow that has been brought about by globalization. In India, clothes have maintained specific values and functions. Clothes are regarded as a connection and as a barrier between domestic and foreign lands and people. Clothes have been recycled at home over generations and among intimately related people. However, as market economies and globalization expand, such clothes, even from domestic domains, have reached a stage of overflow. Used clothes are now recycled through different processes in different markets that connect and reorganize classes, communities, and regions.
Globalization does not simply bring about “waste” or standardization of clothing markets if one examines local circulation of used clothes in India. Rather it creates diverse markets of recycled clothes that serve different needs of people trying to adapt to new economic circumstances. To understand this flow of used clothes in Gujarat, this study revealed two factors. The first is those who circulate used clothes. In Ahmedabad in Gujarat, they are Devī Pūjak, designated as criminal tribes during the colonial period, and Muslims who have migrated from Uttar Pradesh. Although both communities are marginal in Gujarat, they have been able to respond promptly to niches that have newly arisen in globalization because of their fluid social position, not adhering strongly to traditional jobs or values attached to used clothes. They make the most of their already existing community network and create new markets of recycled clothes. The second is the Indian clothing characteristics. Their significance does not derive only from a ritual value, but instead brings about new values through using recyclable components of different kinds. Their varieties and changeability of size, shape, and components are suitable to globalization, which invariably leads to de-territorialization of goods.